Posted by Editors in
German Politics, US Foreign Policy on Tuesday, September 5. 2006
• In the Weekly Standard article "Germany wakes up, sort of", Jeffrey Gedmin, director of the Aspen Institute Berlin, describes the debates about terrorism before and after the failed train bombing plot in Germany:
The Schröder era was not a complete wasteland. Otto Schily, the dour interior minister--a Green turned Social Democrat--was tough as nails and proved a serious ally for the United States and others. But the debate about Islamic terrorism during those years was mostly silly and irresponsible. Mathias Döpfner, the chairman and CEO of the Springer publishing company, wrote a searing column a couple years ago in which he argued that the German debate had been reduced to the goofy and lazy formula "Bush is dumb and bad." The events of the summer have at least gotten Germans' attention.
• Fareed Zakaria opines in Newsweek that "Washington has a long habit of painting its enemies 10 feet tall—and crazy:"
It's 1938, says the liberal columnist Richard Cohen, evoking images of Hitler's armies massing in the face of an appeasing West. No, no, says Newt Gingrich, the Third World War has already begun. Neoconservatives, who can be counted on to escalate, argue that we're actually in the thick of the Fourth World War. The historian Bernard Lewis warned a few weeks ago that Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, could be planning to annihilate Israel (and perhaps even the United States) on Aug. 22 because it was a significant day for Muslims. Can everyone please take a deep breath?
• Jan Ross writes in the German weekly Die Zeit about the increasing importance of foreign policy in Germany, the decreasing public support for Bundeswehr missions and the need to better explain international politics: "Welterklärer, verzweifelt gesucht." He also compares German think tanks with their US counterparts:
Germany has fewer and consensus oriented think tanks, while the US has many private, opinionated and ideological think tanks. Jan Ross sees the pros and cons of both systems, but he might have a slight preference for the more diverse and bigger marketplace of ideas in the US. He also makes funny comments on Peter Scholl-Latour (who is 82 years old, has a lot of experience, but whose expertise is much overrated in Germany) and on Washington think tanks "being full of 30 year olds, who explain the world and know exactly what to do."
• Writing for the United Press International wire service, Stefan Nicola describes the unease many Germans feel about increasing foreign policy committments: Given the multitude of international missions German soldiers are part of, observers say Berlin lacks an overlaying strategy that would determine which missions are and which aren't in the interests of the country. Since 1992, more than 150,000 soldiers of the Bundeswehr (Germany's armed forces) have taken part in foreign missions, some humanitarian, some with a permission to kill. At the moment, roughly 7,600 Bundeswehr soldiers are stationed in Europe, Africa and Asia. The German contribution to the international peace keeping force in Lebanon would be Germany's tenth mission, and it would mean that the country for the first time in its post-World War II history has a military presence in the Middle East. What are Germany's interests in the Congo, where 765 Bundeswehr soldiers aid a European Union mission to safeguard elections there? What are they in Afghanistan, where some 2,700 German soldiers are stationed with the United Nations-mandated International Security Assistance Force? What are they in the Middle East? (...) Critics nevertheless say Germany lacks a coherent strategy that would combine foreign policy, security policy and defense policy interests. 'Such a strategy would enable a discussion how the German contribution in Lebanon is in line with German weapons exports to Israel and its potential enemies,' a columnist wrote in the Berliner Zeitung newspaper. It could also discuss 'how the sale to Israel of German submarines, which could be used to carry atomic weapons, interferes with the German role when it comes to negotiating Iran's nuclear program.' There look to be some overriding criteria: A key one seems to be to try to keep German soldiers out of harm's way. Berlin offered to help UNIFIL by sending navy units that would patrol the Lebanese coast to prevent weapons smuggling from the sea. Schreer said the German contribution was characterized by an attempt 'to minimize' the risks involved. 'The German contribution is only a symbolic one,' Berthold Meyer, of the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, or HSFK, told UPI recently.
Regarding Afghanistan: In Afghanistan, the situation has been heating up for a while, and Berlin has quickly denied reports that ISAF would like to see Bundeswehr soldiers in the more dangerous southern areas of the country, where violence is escalating. 'Germany will keep concentrating on the North for its activities to help stabilize the situation,' a government spokesman said earlier this week. But when the international community is calling for help, it's hard to say no. 'It's going to be more and more difficult for Germany to argue that its soldiers operate exclusively in the North, while the other countries have to take heavy heat in the more dangerous South,' Schreer told UPI.
It should not be forgotten that a German general and a German diplomat are in charge of the international missions in Kosovo since September 1, 2006.
• Endnote: Al Qaeda expert Peter Bergen wrote a good summary of the various theories of the causes of 9/11 in Prospect Magazine. (HT: Kosmoblog, which recommends many more interesting articles.)
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"Having recently returned home after nearly four years as a New York Times correspondent in Europe, I am struck by how deeply divided the United States is on almost every other issue," writes Richard Bernstein in the International Herald Tribune Comments ()
Tracked: Nov 25, 16:19