Posted by Andrew Zvirzdin in
International Economics on Tuesday, May 11. 2010
Sixteen months ago, I began to grow worried about Greece's debt problems and its implications for the euro. At the time, I wrote,
The euro area has yet to demonstrate its cohesiveness when confronted with the growing economic divergence of its member states and even the specter of a sovereign debt default....Leaders will have to act together to show their commitment to preserving the single monetary policy in the euro area.
Yesterday, EU leaders rose to the challenge and solidified the euro's position in world monetary affairs. The announced $1 trillion package does more than provide indebted countries with a source of funds during periods of crisis; it demonstrates the commitment of leaders to the concept of European integration. In so doing, European officials have significantly increased the credibility of the EU in the eyes of their American counterparts and taken the first step towards some degree of fiscal integration.
A few details of the announced aid package are particularly noteworthy:
First, the ECB will directly purchase eurozone bonds, reversing a strong position it had taken in December. The move gives the ECB significant discretion and authority but also introduces political complexities far beyond its once simple inflation mandate. I called the ECB "Scrooge" when they categorically rejected to enter the secondary bond market in December; what ghost of fiscal crisis future did they see to make them change their minds now?
Second, the IMF has a prominent role in the aid package. I find this significant because it introduces an important transatlantic dimension to sovereign debt crises. As the market fluctuations of the past few weeks have demonstrated, a sovereign debt crisis in one country affects everyone. Those with longer institutional memories will of course remember the debt crises of Argentina and Mexico. The difference now is the aid money is being contributed to a pooled insurance fund for an international organization. I think this will set an important precedent for the future.
Third, the European Commission is contributing money to the fund. Sure, it is only a measly $60 billion, but this is an important signal. For the first time that I am aware of, the Commission has a federal role in fiscal policy. The lack of a fiscal transfer mechanism in the EU is the primary reason why economists such as Martin Feldstein and Paul Krugman have been so dismissive of the euro project up to now. If the Commission is successful in its contribution here, this could mark the beginning for more forays into fiscal federalism.
Fourth, and perhaps most importantly, this "bailout" will have huge political ramifications. Like the TARP plan in the US two years ago, the EU rescue plan will agitate populist and conservative sentiment. In Europe however, there will also be an additional level of discontent aimed against "creeping EU federalism." Just yesterday, Angela Merkel's party suffered dramatically in regional elections in large part because of her leadership on the Greece debt crisis. Do European leaders have the political capital to justify their role in bailing out Greece without losing political power? Could we see an anti-EU backlash throughout European countries who have their fiscal house in order? I believe the issue of EU federalism will be a defining element in national elections in Europe during the next five years.
It is still early, but the EU rescue plan seems to be a game-changer. The markets seem to believe so. And though the measures are supposed to be temporary, they nonetheless represent a firm commitment to keep the eurozone cohesive. Frankly, I cannot imagine any other tenable option.
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